Report from the field: Women & Mobile in Papua New Guinea

Although it is clear mobile technology benefits women, there is little data available to better understand the day-to-day aspirations and challenges of women at the base of the pyramid. In order to work with and for them, the GSMA mWomen Programme, in partnership with USAID and AusAID, has commissioned a multi-country piece of research to explore the wants & needs of BOP women with the understanding that technology must meet the need, rather than vice-versa. Per Helmersen, GSMA mWomen Knowledge Manager, is currently reporting from the field where he is working on this research and he will be sharing some early, first-hand findings with the mWomen community on our blog during August. Today, he shares some of the wants, needs and aspirations of women he has been speaking with in Papua New Guinea:

There’s little doubt that life can be hard for women in Papua New Guinea (PNG), especially those living in rural locations. The word ‘suffering’ was used by many of our respondents to describe their situation, while public information campaigns target rape, unwanted pregnancy, domestic violence. Traditionally, women are considered a form of property. The bride price system (payment from the grooms family to the bride’s family – the opposite of a dowry) and the transfer system where the groom is required to pay an additional sum to publicly ‘transfer’ the bride from an outside clan to his own clan reinforce this cultural norm. In addition to childcare, women’s duties include food production and preparation, tending the family garden in rural areas, general housekeeping that includes keeping the all-important fire burning, gathering firewood and fetching water. The latter two are extremely time-consuming activities as firewood becomes scarce especially in urban areas and water supplies are usually located a distance from their homes. Women also invest energy in neutralizing “sorcery” directed at the husband/family as well as more tangible threats to their marriage from other women: infidelity is common and divorce and desertion will have a major impact on women’s lives. Men “relax and hunt” (in rural areas) or, if they are lucky, find employment outside the local community (in urban areas).

During the research, it has become apparent that often, the basic needs of women in rural areas of PNG are covered so long as their garden yields enough to feed the family and produces a small surplus to take to market. In spite of lacking services and infrastructure, the majority therefore value the security and predictability of village life and do not aspire to move out. Increasing the output of the garden and protecting it from thieves is a primary goal. Extra revenue from gardens will be used to educate their children rather than investing it in material possessions that will not directly contribute to the garden’s productivity. Younger unmarried women in rural communities dream about marrying a ‘businessman’ with money, possibly inspired by stories of PNG women marrying Australian men and living “happily ever after” in Canberra or Sydney. An aspiration shared by rural and urban women alike is independence. Young women generally move in with their husband’s family in already overcrowded houses. Adding to the pressure, the bride price is usually paid in installments with the final and largest installment to the bride’s family dependent on her domestic ‘performance’ in the home of her spouse. The main shared aspiration of younger married women is therefore a home of their own.

Since most of the urban BOP women we interviewed did not have garden plots, their livelihood strategies and aspirations take a different form. Dependent on cash, wealth as an aspiration was mentioned more often by urban women. Permanent employment, preferably in one of PNG’s new growth industries (such as oil & natural gas), is a primary goal – for themselves, yes, but more importantly for their unemployed husbands. A steady income compensates for the lack of a garden. Without skills or an education this is less likely to happen, but none aspire for more education for themselves, possibly because they believe it to be totally unrealistic. Married urban women do recognize the long-range value of an education for their children, however, but children must also contribute to the family’s income here and now. Subsistence prostitution is common and many mothers do not discourage their daughters from taking up this trade; the market is booming in near-by Port Moresby. Fishing is a second source of income for urban families, but the natural gas industry is destroying their traditional fishing grounds. In order to move further offshore to new locations, larger boats and outboard motors are needed – a frequently mentioned goal among women interviewed in the periurban fishing community we visited. Women are commonly seen selling sweets and betel nuts outside of their homes. The more resourceful among them have built stalls, discovered a market for takeaway and would like to expand their business into this area, but traditional financial institutions are not willing to provide them with the needed capital to get started.

Children in urban BOP communities appear to be less well-off and in a poorer physical state (due also to deficient diets) than their rural cousins – we were aware of medical problems and a lack of clothing and shoes. Women are aware of this and mention the health of their families as a major priority. Many mention the need for a local clinic, also for their own maternity needs. Finally, in a culture where alcohol/drug dependency, domestic violence and wife beating are common, urban women wish for ‘a kind man’ for their daughters.

We are also discovering a little about women’s mobile use in PNG. Many men object to women owning mobile phones, chiefly because it allows women to receive calls from ‘unknown callers’ (with resulting wife beating incidents) and because men believe their wives spend far too much time gossiping at the expense of more productive household pursuits. Nevertheless, in the rural location we covered, most women were reported to own a mobile handset. Mobiles have been accessible for 5- 6 years and a new handset will cost a minimum of 29 Kina (GBP 8 / USD 13). Minimum top-up is K3. They are generally received as gifts on special occasions. What are they used for by rural women? Listening to the radio while gardening; torches in the dark; calendar functions and micro-coordination with husbands. How are they used? Mostly voice, some SMS and no advanced services, at least not in the covered rural location. The exception to the rule is transfer of funds from their mobile account to the pre-paid electricity account from PNG Power, saving time that can be spent instead on housework, gardening, etc. A minimum of K10 + 0.75 transaction fee can be transferred to top up their household power meter. Men were generally pleased with this service.

More reports will follow this week. Share your thoughts on this below.